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In America, traveling through red lights on right turns has become a rule of the road. Frequently, you get honked at if you don’t speed through fast enough.
But the widespread driving practice is now coming under scrutiny, and facing government curbs, for being too dangerous.
Years ago, right-on-red was mostly limited to California and a few other western states. Woody Allen famously declared in “Annie Hall” that he’d never live in Los Angeles because the city’s “only cultural advantage is that you can make a right turn on a red light.”
Right-on-red spread across the country in the 1970s in response to the Arab oil embargo against the United States and oil rationing. States introduced it as a gas-savings measure: The theory was that it would reduce idling at red lights.
Congress sped up states’ adoption of right-on-red laws with a provision in the 1975 Energy Policy and Conservation Act. It tied states’ eligibility for federal energy assistance to allowing right-on-red “to the maximum extent practicable consistent with safety.”
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Ukraine’s acutely bad presentation of its troubles is mostly due to the myopia of its allies.
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Instead, Kyiv consistently points to past successes and future goals. They have reclaimed about half the territory Russia took last year; they have damaged its Black Sea presence strategically. They have a plan for 2024, Zelensky said, but it is secret.
Yet in truth, the most useful headline for Kyiv should be how unutterably bleak the frontlines are for them now. In nearly every direction, the news is grim. Russian forces are hiving off parts of the eastern city of Avdiivka, yet another town Moscow seems content to throw thousands of lives at despite its minimal importance. Along the Zaporizhzhia frontline, where the counteroffensive was focused but ultimately slow and unrewarding, Russian units have come back with renewed vigor and the defense is costly for Ukraine. Ukraine has made a plucky (or foolhardy) dash across the Dnipro River, with some small progress into Russian lines. The casualties have been immense, their supply lines are problematic, and their prospects dim.
Elon Musk was star guest this year at an annual conference organized by Italian PM Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party.
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He arrived against the backdrop of an ice-skating rink and an ancient castle in Rome with one of his 11 children to tout the value of procreation.
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Meloni sat in the front row taking photos of Musk, who she personally invited. Meloni founded the Atreju conference in 1998, named after a character in the 1984 film “The NeverEnding Story.”
The leadership crisis that engulfed OpenAI for nearly a week ended almost as abruptly as it began: With a terse, cryptic announcement by the company that would have enormous ramifications for its future.
In some ways, the outcome was a return to the status quo: Sam Altman would be restored as CEO, with the company’s deep and lucrative business partnership with Microsoft, which took a $13 billion stake in the company even as it ramps up its own AI research efforts, left intact.
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The tumultuous week seems to have resulted in a big victory for Altman personally; proponents of widespread AI adoption; and some of the country’s most established elites. And it came at the expense of AI skeptics who, by many accounts, bungled an attempt to make a principled stand for caution about the technology’s long-term risks.
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In America, traveling through red lights on right turns has become a rule of the road. Frequently, you get honked at if you don’t speed through fast enough.
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Years ago, right-on-red was mostly limited to California and a few other western states. Woody Allen famously declared in “Annie Hall” that he’d never live in Los Angeles because the city’s “only cultural advantage is that you can make a right turn on a red light.”
Right-on-red spread across the country in the 1970s in response to the Arab oil embargo against the United States and oil rationing. States introduced it as a gas-savings measure: The theory was that it would reduce idling at red lights.
Congress sped up states’ adoption of right-on-red laws with a provision in the 1975 Energy Policy and Conservation Act. It tied states’ eligibility for federal energy assistance to allowing right-on-red “to the maximum extent practicable consistent with safety.”
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